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In recent weeks, images of “solidarity” with Cuba have gone viral, and been amplified by several media outlets, actors, and interests. However, this aid is not neutral: on the contrary, it is marked by political interests and comes in a context where the regime itself controls its distribution.
These scenes, particularly linked to the Nuestra América Convoy (an international initiative promoted as supposed humanitarian aid for the island) and organizations such as The People’s Forum or CodePink, attempt to project a version of events that increasingly contrasts with what is actually happening inside Cuba. They are visible and media-driven moments, but temporary. The fact is that, in times of repression and censorship, these organizations have avoided speaking out, while maintaining ties with authoritarian governments.
But the reality that remains is different. For years, and with greater intensity recently, Cubans have taken to the streets to protest for power outages, shortages, and the precarious conditions in which they live, facing repression and silence. Cubans lack electricity, food, gasoline, and medicine, but not the will to protest
That contrast is the starting point for understanding what really lies behind these “solidarity initiatives.”
The Escalation of Cuban Protests
Protest in Cuba is not a new phenomenon, but in March 2026 it reached a significant level of intensity and continuity. By March 17 alone, the organization Cubalex had recorded 156 protests over 11 consecutive days, a figure that far exceeds the 68 recorded throughout the entire month of February.
This surge was not limited to the streets; it also occurred on social media. On March 7, the hashtag #AbajoElComunismo marked one of the first peaks in the protest conversation, driven mainly by the diaspora to denounce the crisis and demand a change in the system. Days later, on the 12th of the same month, #PresosDeCASTRO once again pushed the public outcry into X’s trends, focusing the debate on the release of political prisoners. Meanwhile, the regime continued to disseminate propaganda messages far from reality, but the public’s voice managed to dominate the digital debate.
@_annabensi NO ME VOY A CALLAR .#abajoelcomunismo #AbajoLaDictadura
Esta hermana está dando una pelea sin miedo, igualmente muchos cristianos evangélicos de nuestro país .
Dios les guarde y bendiga pic.twitter.com/Bv4T9NLqma— ASERE YA (@AsereYaPing) March 12, 2026
March 14 marked one of the moments of greatest visibility, with 613 mentions associated with the protest compared to 116 for the official narrative. A day later, on the 15th, the worsening power outages triggered a social uprising in Morón that marked a turning point, amplifying both the scale of the demonstrations and their digital resonance. From then on, the hashtag #AbajoLaDictaduraCastroCanel became the central hub for reporting on repression and raising awareness of protests across the country.
Narratives associated with civil society, grouped around terms linked to a “structural crisis,” exceeded 8,500 mentions, driven mainly by hashtags such as #SOSCuba (5,014 in total), which accounted for 1,984 on Facebook (39.5%) and 1,610 on Instagram (32.1%), and #CubaEstadoFallido (3,092 mentions in total), which reached 1,539 on Facebook, equivalent to 49.7% of its total: highlighting the influence of digital platforms (primarily Meta) in amplifying social discontent.
Far from responding to isolated demands, the protest was organized around a narrative of systemic collapse: power outages, hunger, and the deterioration of basic services began to converge into a single narrative of the model’s exhaustion. This period was also marked by the constant documentation of state persecution of demonstrations, as well as the exposure of structural failures and inequalities in resource allocation.
Despite repression, information control, and daily constraints, the protest remained active on the island and in the digital sphere, reinforcing its organic and sustained nature.
Propaganda Gained Momentum with the Arrival of the Convoy
The sociopolitical conversation about Cuba on social media in March revealed a clash between two realities: the power grid collapse, shortages, and citizen protests; and on the other, the state’s attempt to overshadow this discontent through a narrative centered on international solidarity, resistance, and historical narratives against the U.S.
The pro-government narratives reached a volume of nearly 5,400 mentions, driven mainly by the terms “Nuestra America Convoy” with 2,581 mentions and the hashtag #CubaNoEstáSola with 2,511. Much of this conversation took place on X, accounting for over 50%, unlike content about the protests and rejection of the system, which was more concentrated on Facebook and Instagram.
Although the protest on social media never stopped, starting on March 18, the pro-government machine managed to reverse the previous dynamic and take control of the digital conversation until March 26. March 21 was the day with the highest level of State’s activity, with 1,281 mentions—far exceeding the 473 mentions recorded for the protests on that same day—thanks to an intensive propaganda campaign centered on the Nuestra America Convoy and the arrival of international aid.
Public events, institutional ceremonies, and media coverage from government institutions and spokespersons amplified the idea of “global support,” while attempting to shift the focus away from internal discontent. The narrative of “international solidarity” established itself as the regime’s primary rhetorical shield, accumulating more than 5,700 mentions that were reinforced with content about humanitarian aid shipments, political statements, and international campaigns against the U.S. embargo on the Cuban regime.
Les comparto el enlace del cálido y emotivo encuentro que sostuvimos con una representación del #ConvoyNuestraAmérica, en el Palacio de Convenciones de La Habana. La solidaridad no puede ser bloqueada.#CubaNoEstáSola
📎| https://t.co/h9iJnxwsRu pic.twitter.com/kDiArnexlU
— Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez (@DiazCanelB) March 25, 2026
Behind this propaganda strategy are government figures such as Miguel Díaz-Canel, Manuel Marrero Cruz, and Fernando González; prominent figures from the international left such as Pablo Iglesias, Jeremy Corbyn, Marc Botenga, and Neville Roy Singham; as well as organizations and networks including ICAP, FECODE, The People’s Forum, and Code Pink (noted for promoting narratives aligned with authoritarian governments).
In this campaign, propaganda was not disseminated solely through official channels, but through an expanded network that standardizes messages, hashtags, and narratives.
The regime’s slogans such as #CubaNoEstáSola and #CubaEsCultura are joined by identical hashtags and messages in other languages, such as #CubaIsNotAlone (at least 287 mentions). The most obvious case of repeated identical messages is the Italian slogan “Partiremo per Cuba in una missione politico-umanitaria…,” replicated at least 15 times by 14 different accounts without substantive variations, which demonstrates transnational coordination of the narrative surrounding the convoy.
At the same time, non-state actors stand out, particularly cultural spaces, community media, and related platforms, which function as nodes for legitimizing and expanding the official narrative. On Facebook, accounts such as Cultura Matancera (106 mentions), La Jiribilla (60), Artex Cuba (48), and Canal Caribe (47) promoted content linked to #CubaEsCultura, while platforms such as teleSUR, AJ+ Español, and Alma Plus TV reinforced the narrative of the convoy.
Although the regime launched a coordinated media counteroffensive centered on “international solidarity,” the massive surge in this narrative failed to silence or overshadow public outcry.
Between March 18 and 21, at the height of the propaganda campaign, the outcry remained constant, ranging from 356 to 473 mentions per day. Even on March 21, when the state machinery reached its peak with 1,281 mentions, public outcry did not subside.
What that “international solidarity” with Cuba doesn’t tell
While the regime and its allies project an image of normality, solidarity, and “resistance,” public discourse reveals a deep crisis. The energy crisis is one of its most visible manifestations: while members of the convoy stayed in hotels with guaranteed electricity, air conditioning, and stable internet, reports from the streets described blackouts lasting over 20 hours, hospitals in darkness, and citizens forced to cook with firewood.
The divide is also reflected in the use of state resources: the motorcade deploys government logistics and transportation, while citizens complain of a lack of fuel for basic services. There were even reports of patients being transported in wheelchairs due to the absence of ambulances, as well as criticism of the use of resources for propaganda activities while the country remains paralyzed.
On the discursive level, the official narrative of “dignity” clashes with evidence of repression and precariousness. The latest Cubalex report documents at least 55 arrests, including that of teenager Jonathan Muir in Morón for participating in protests, demonstrating the regime’s mechanisms of control and punishment in the face of social discontent.
Recent announcements regarding the possible release of more than 2,000 prisoners also fit into the regime’s propaganda narrative, which presents this decision as a political gesture amid the crisis and tensions with the United States. However, Cubalex notes that the beneficiaries of the releases have, for the most part, been individuals convicted of common crimes who were already nearing the end of their probationary periods.
Added to all this are reports of deteriorating healthcare, overflowing garbage dumps, and growing epidemiological risks, which reinforce the perception of structural collapse.
Even humanitarian aid has become a point of friction; initiatives such as the so-called “Granma 2.0” are presented as gestures of solidarity, but multiple complaints question the destination of the donations, and several reports show them being sold in foreign currency stores and denounce restrictions on exiles delivering direct aid to their families—evidencing a centralized and politicized control of supplies.
In this context, the Nuestra América Convoy operated as a key symbolic mechanism within a broader structure of global political and media coordination, aimed at positioning the theme of “international solidarity” in the face of U.S. actions as the regime’s main narrative, thanks to thousands of mentions from state accounts, hashtags in multiple languages, and a network of spokespersons aligned with the regime’s interests.
However, beyond these peaks of visibility, the reality that persists is quite different. Despite the propaganda narrative surrounding these gestures, sustained allegations from citizens, journalists, and independent media regarding years of corruption, embezzlement, and internal mismanagement continue to be ignored. On the island, what remains is not the staged spectacle, but rather shortages, blackouts, protests, and repression as a response.
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